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Conflict Analysis and Transformation
Introduction
In the past few years, several development organizations, have recognized that the success of development strategies and programs in countries affected by conflict depends on understanding the social and economic factors that affect conflict in these countries. They have therefore prioritized the development of conflict analysis tools so as to help conflict-sensitive programming. A conflict analysis consists of two main aspects:
(i) the process by which the analysis is planned, organized, conducted, and applied, and
(ii) the content of the analysis including its thematic focus and scope.
Conflict dates from the beginning of human history and will probably never end. Our survival on this planet hinges on how we manage the various features of conflict that is fuelled not only by seemingly incompatible interests and values but also by hostilities. The most destructive types of conflict such as interstate and civil wars consist of a coercive, violent mode of confrontation among adversaries. Whereas conflict embraces personal loss and societal destruction, its many features are not limited to physical violence. Non-violent forms of struggle are also prevalent in pursuit of different values and scarce resources. In bringing about important social change, resorting to force is neither necessary nor inevitable. In order to explore strategies of managing and possibly resolving conflicts, our goal needs to be an in-depth analysis of human behaviour and its surrounding environment. It is generally accepted that psychological and behavioural elements, as well as structural conditions for alienation, combine to fuel conflict (Jeong, 2017).
Already in the sphere of the everyday language the term conflict has no positive into-nation. Usually dysfunctional phenomenon’s like discord, dispute or fighting are associated with it. Therefore, with the omnipresence of conflicts it is not surprising that the debate about this topic takes on significance also in the political science. Although the branch of peace and conflict research owes even a part of its name to this subject, the disagreement over the exact notion of the conflict as a term dominates until today. This is however little amazing because it is about one of the most enigmatic and controversial terms, which itself triggers conflicts very often (Bonacker and Imbusch, 2005).
Conflict Analysis
In a broad sense, the concept of conflict has been stretched and moulded to describe any discord resulting from almost every aspect of social situations. The existential, penetrable nature of decision making over incompatible choices can impact politics down to such mundane choices as where to shop and eat. The term ‘conflict’ has been applied to quarrels within a family and workplace arguments as well as violent clashes between states. Thus it was declared long ago that ‘the distinctions between conflict and non-conflict are fuzzy at best and at worst are not made at all’ (Jeong, 2017)
Conflict represents the persistent and pervasive nature of inter-group and international competition among disparate interests and values that underlies power dynamics. The comprehension of mass violence and war needs to be based on an understanding of institutional roles besides the psychological and behavioural elements that instigate aggression. The experience of conflict is so basic that its negative effects spread to many aspects of a community’s life. The sources of adversarial relationships are not limited to tangible economic interests or control over power, but also extend to value and identity differences. The antagonisms in question may arise from interpersonal tensions between government leaders, labour management issues comprising multinational corporations and manual workers, disagreements between states on foreign policy directions, or international quarrels over trade imbalances and disparities in decision-making power at the World Bank or other international organizations. Since conflict is entailed in diverse types of social interactions, its concepts have been applied to a variety of situations. The potential for conflict exists where opposing interests, values, or needs tinge our relationships with others. The latent conditions of conflict eventually translate into multiple forms of enmity in the visible issues. In general, conflict is most popularly described as ‘a struggle over values and claims to scarce status, power and resources’ (Boulding, 1962: 5). The efforts to attain desired objects become more intense in the absence of agreed rules prescribing their equitable allocation. People’s expectations alter in response to a shift in their social and economic environment. If governing norms are too rigid to be adjusted to new demands and expectations, such inflexibility breeds resentment utilized for the mobilization of groups that are discontent with the status quo (Jeong, 2017). In conflict situations, the dynamics of actions and counteractions inevitably engage attempts to control the other’s behaviour, often with the intent to injure or destroy. In addition, violence may follow an unconstrained attempt to dominate in a fight over power, prestige, and material interests. The essential nature of a conflict situation is easily understood in terms of the difficulties involved in meeting everyone’s aspirations simultaneously (Haveman and Wetz, 2019). Goals and activities become incompatible when one’s own interests are threatened by the actions of another.
Conflict Theories
• Karl Marx
The theory of conflict, suggested by Karl Marx, states that society is in perpetual conflict because of competition for limited resources (Kotz, 2017). He argues that social order is maintained by dominance and power, instead of consensus and conformity. According to the theory of conflict, those with wealth and power try to cling to it in every possible way, mainly by suppressing the poor and helpless. A basic principle of conflict theory is that individuals and groups in a society work to maximize their own benefits. Conflict theory has been used to explain a wide range of social phenomena, including wars and revolutions, wealth and poverty, discrimination and domestic violence. He attributes most of the fundamental developments in human history, such as democracy and civil rights, to capitalist attempts to control the masses rather than to a desire for social order. The theory focuses on the concepts of social inequality in the division of resources and focuses on the conflicts that exist between classes. Many types of conflict can be described using conflict theory. Some theorists, including Marx, believe that the inherent social conflicts lead to the change and development of society.
Marx’s theory of conflict focused on the conflict between two primary classes. Each class is made up of a group of people linked by mutual interests and a degree of ownership of the property, often supported by the state. The bourgeoisie represents the members of society who possess the majority of wealth and means. The proletariat includes those who are considered as workers or poor. With the rise of capitalism, Marx theorized that the bourgeoisie, a minority within the population, would use its influence to oppress the proletariat, the majority class. This way of thinking is linked to a common image associated with societal models based on conflict theory; Proponents of this philosophy tend to believe in a “pyramidal” arrangement in which a small group of elites dictate, because of excessive control over resources and power, the general terms and conditions of most societies.
Karl Marx argued that property is defended by the state, turning its ownership struggles into political struggles between landlords and tenants, capitalists and workers, as well as other groups. Material conditions determine the ability of one or other of these groups to organize themselves politically effectively (Haveman and Wetz, 2019). These material conditions are also those that allow a group to make its views known to other members of society. Owners clearly having an advantage in terms of material wealth, their opinions are more easily disseminated. For Marx, the conflict appears clearly because all that is of value for the man results from the human work. According to Marx, the capitalists exploit the workers for their work and do not share the fruits of this work equally. This exploitation is what allows the possessing classes to dominate politically and impose their ideology on the workers of the world.
It was predicted that the inequality of distribution within the theory of conflict would be maintained by the ideological constraint, in which the bourgeoisie would force the proletariat to accept current conditions (Littlewood, 2016). The idea is that the elite establish systems of laws, traditions, and other social structures to further support their own domain while preventing others from joining its ranks. Marx also believed that since the working class and the poor were subject to a deterioration of the situation, a collective consciousness would highlight inequalities and could potentially lead to revolt. If the conditions were then adjusted to meet the concerns of the proletariat, the conflict circle would end up repeating itself.
Max Weber
Max Weber adopted many aspects of Marx’s conflict theory and refined the idea. Weber thought that the property dispute was not limited to a specific scenario. Rather, he thought that there were several levels of conflict at one time and in each society (Littlewood, 2016). While Marx exposed his vision of conflict as the opponent of the owners and workers, Weber also added an emotional element to his ideas about the conflict.
Weber’s beliefs about conflict go far beyond Marx’s, as they suggest that certain forms of social interaction, including conflict, generate beliefs and solidarity among individuals and groups within a society. In this way, an individual’s responses to inequality may be different depending on the groups he / she is associated with, depending on whether or not he / she perceives that people in power are legitimate, and so on. Weber also included an emotional aspect of the conflict:
It is these that underlie the power of religion and make it an important ally of the state; that transform classes into status groups, and do the same to territorial communities under particular circumstances (ethnicity); and that make “legitimacy” a crucial focus for efforts at domination.
Weber’s conclusions on conflict theory are similar to those reached by thinkers such as Emile Durkheim, Sigmund Freud, and Nietzsche, namely that beyond emotionality, some particular forms of social interaction create strongly held beliefs and solidarity among members of groups.
Feminist conflict theory
Feminists have used conflict theory to explain the position of women in society. Feminist conflict theorists argue that women have traditionally been oppressed so that men can benefit from positions of power, wealth and status. These theorists would argue that the conflict over limited natural resources is what led men to relegate women to domesticity. This interpretation of conflict theory also leads to the idea that men can not be trusted to empower women because this gift would conflict with their inherent nature (Littlewood, 2016).
Conflict In Zimbabwe
Since gaining independence in 1980, Zimbabwe has experienced low intensity conflict marked by periods of escalation and political violence. Conflict today remains rooted in disputes over national power, economic hardship and pre-colonial disputes which have not been resolved. After independence in 1980, Robert Mugabe’s political party, the Zimbabwe African National Union-Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF), entrenched control over state institutions and the economy. The contest between ZANU-PF and the Movement for Democratic Change, a key opposition party launched in 1999, has helped maintain the violence which accompanied the transformation of Rhodesia into Zimbabwe. The political landscape continues to be characterised by mistrust and attempts to eliminate challenges to power. The situation is further complicated by widespread company closures and capital flight.
A Land Reform Programme that started in 2000 has been blamed for the country’s food insecurity and for causing massive unemployment and starvation. Hyperinflation in 2008 added to an already fragile landscape, with a severe shortage of basic commodities, a cholera epidemic and political turmoil, which was nominally ended with the signing of a power-sharing accord in 2008 called the Global Political Agreement.
Zimbabwe continues to face problems relating to corruption, human rights violations, and a stagnant economy. Large numbers of Zimbabweans have emigrated as a result. Tensions regarding this economic stagnation escalated in 2015, resulting in widespread protests calling for economic reform, and in some cases, for the resignation of President Mugabe. These protests continued in 2017, particularly with ZANU-PF’s announcement of 93-year-old Mugabe’s candidacy in the 2018 elections.
These protests have prompted violent crackdown from security forces, who enjoy relative impunity. Turmoil including infighting in mainstream and opposition political parties and worries about vote rigging mean the prospects are for another hotly contested election.
Causes of Intra-state conflicts in Zimbabwe
As everywhere in the world, intra-state conflicts in Zimbabwe are caused by human action and can be ended by human action. The major root causes include political, economic and social inequalities. Roots of social conflicts are associated with the struggle for maintaining or challenging a dominant power status, frustration generated by relative deprivation, repression of basic needs and differences in cultural norms and values as stated out by LeBaron (1997). Living a life of fulfilment and contentment is non-negotiable to man, therefore were the daily bread is threatened, probably there is bound to be conflict. The causes of intra-state conflicts in Zimbabwe are numerous, interconnected and interrelated ranging from individual to group violation, to structural inequality and injustice. The causes of conflicts in Zimbabwe are either locally or are a result of transformations in internal structure. The issue of continuing economic decline and material insecurity are accompanied in the country by increase in political instability and conflicts. Thus the causes of intra-state conflicts are categorized into political, social and economic factors. Poverty- Both conflict and poverty are related, that is poverty can cause conflict while conflict can lead to poverty based on the state of insecurity and bad governance. Poverty can be defined or implies some form of deprivation, in terms of resources or opportunities. Fearon and Latin (2010) are of the view that poverty increases the possibility of intra-state conflict, not by increasing opportunities of rebel recruitment as stated by Collier, but rather because poverty is generally associated with a weaker state both in terms of financial and military capabilities. They argue that a weaker state increases the chances of a rebel group’s success in intrastate conflict. Collier and Hoeffer (2002), however, argue that poverty increases the likelihood of intra-state conflict onset by making it easier for the rebel groups to recruit fighters, because the economic benefits of joining a rebellion actually outweigh conventional economic activities in impoverished societies.
The Legacy of Colonialism
States that emerged out of violent struggle through liberation movements seem to have developed differently to those that emerged through peaceful handovers as argued by Clapham (2012), and this is very evident in contemporary political dynamics in Zimbabwe. Africa has been under the yoke of colonialism since the 19th Century and during this colonial era, Africa experienced an exploitative, brutal and rough colonial administration. Colonialism terminated in Africa in 1994, none the less the physical departure of colonial powers does not make the continent free from the impact of colonialism. Thus the legacy of brutal colonial rule remains intact. One major legacy of colonialism is intra-state conflict which emanated from the arbitrary boundary made by colonial powers. Colonial powers blindly carve up borders of states and thereby merged together different ethic groups and fragmented some ethic groups, as a result it caused intrastate conflicts. The arbitrary division of ethnic communities and the subsequent occurrence of ethnic violence are the legacies of colonialism which ignored cultural differences during the creation of artificial state boundaries as argued by Alemazung (2010).
However, if all African ills are blamed on colonialism, the African state is in danger of allocating the blame of present government actions to the past era. By so doing, Zimbabweans and Africans at large play a prominent role in condoning bad governance or corruption on the premise of colonialism. Therefore persisting in using colonialism as an explanation for Africans ills gives the perspective that despite having gained independence, African states are powerless and to external influences, whether past or present.
Dysfunctional state
Political exclusion through single party state dominated authoritarian rule has been an important cause of Zimbabwe’s deepening crisis. One state party for example in Zimbabwe we have ZANU-PF, which exhibits various gradations of exclusionary rule from fascist fundamentalist to narrowly base authority. Election processes are manipulated, tightly controlled or flawed. Opposition political parties are often not inclusive in the government as they have the monopolistic control of the machinery of the state. A good example is Mugabe in control of Zimbabwe.
Resource Control and Competition
The central role of states in determining resource distribution makes it a major target and when power is overcentralized, it becomes a reason for conflicts. Resource scarcity and control in Zimbabwe arise from the natural resources base, population pressures and environmental degradation.
Corruption
One of the major factors responsible for internal conflicts in Zimbabwe is the devastating impact of corruption. Corruption is the abuse of entrusted power for private gain. It can be classified as grand, petty and political, depending on the amounts of money lost and the sector where it occurs. Corruption manifested in the embezzlement and misappropriation of public funds, has paralyzed development efforts and caused debilitating immobilize in the march towards socio-economic transformation and political integration in Zimbabwe. Africa’s resources have been badly managed over the years that masses are fed up with their leaders. This has provoked the militant nationalism against Africa leaders. The result expectedly is the unending conflict across African states. The African union itself acknowledges the debilitating impact of corruption on the political and socio-economic stability of Africa States. This perhaps explains the adoption of the Africa Convention on Preventing and Combating Corruption by the 2nd ordinary session of the Assembly of the Union on 11 July 2003. Among other things the convention is meant to promote and strengthen the development in Africa by each state party, of mechanisms required to prevent, detect punish and eradicate corruption in the public and private sectors.
Consequences of conflict
Conflict situation have a very serious effect on the economy as conflict situations reorients resources from socio-economic development to military and also reduces investments and retard development. Total destruction of the social structure and infrastructures, human capital, local economic institutions and also create insufficient labor for production. Trade and economic activities are disrupted, thus economy collapses. Outbreak of diseases and violent crime and investment by the government will be drastically reduced. Intra-state conflicts destroy the society social structure and coping mechanism as the women and children are the targets. Increase in insecurity, hostilities and outbreak of diseases are inclusive of effects of intra-state conflicts, for example the Gukurahundi and Operation Murambatsvina in Zimbabwe, left victims insecure up to today. Thus in 2005, ZANU-PF carried out Operation Murambatsvina, which was officially undertaken to remove vagrants and illegal dwellings and businesses. Actually some schools of thought claim that, the operation was more likely aimed to preempt mass protest against an expected increase of food prices in the face of deteriorating economic conditions and clamp down on key illegal markets, like foreign exchange. An Afro-barometer survey of October 2005 revealed that 54% of all adult Zimbabweans experienced some effect of operation Murambatsvina. Which included the destruction of dwellings, eviction from homes, closure of businesses, loss of jobs and arrest for illegal trading. It has been noted that Harare and Bulawayo residents were reported among the highest numbers of home destructions roughly, 72% and 66% of all residents reported that their dwellings were destroyed. Women and children in particular suffer unspeakable atrocities in intra-state conflicts. In the past decade, according to an estimate, up to two million of those killed in intra-state conflicts were children. Three times as many have been seriously injured and or permanently disabled and millions were psychologically scared by violence. Countless others have been forced to witness or even take part in horrifying acts of violence. The widespread insecurity and trauma due to the atrocities and suffering of the civilian population is another terrible legacy of these conflicts. Conflicts create extensive emotional and psychosocial stress associated with attack, loss of loved ones, separation from parents and destruction of home and community. The psychological impact of war is an aspect poorly addressed by the governments, as are the root causes of conflicts, such as exclusion and polarization of groups, in their efforts to rebuild society and prevent a relapse of violence.
References
Kotz, D.M., 2017. Social structure of accumulation theory, Marxist theory, and system transformation. Review of Radical Political Economics, 49(4), pp.534-542.
Haveman, H.A. and Wetts, R., 2019. Organizational theory: From classical sociology to the 1970s. Sociology Compass, 13(3), p.e12627.
Stone, J. and Rizova, P.S., 2015. Conflict. The Wiley Blackwell Encyclopedia of Race, Ethnicity, and Nationalism, pp.1-4.
Collier, P. and Hoeffler, A., 2002. Aid, policy and peace: Reducing the risks of civil conflict. Defence and Peace Economics, 13(6), pp.435-450.
Littlewood, B., 2016. Feminist perspectives on sociology. Routledge.
Jaeger, M.D., 2016. Constructing sanctions: rallying around the target in Zimbabwe. Cambridge Review of International Affairs, 29(3), pp.952-969.
Jeong, H.W., 2017. Peace and conflict studies: An introduction. Routledge.
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